08-25-2020, 11:00 PM
I am ready to redo my seat-of-the-pants estimates of Biden and Trump chances based on match-ups alone. I would need to do some interpolations, and at this I take the dangers of interpolation (much less dangerous than interpolation. Obviously 50-50 is 50% for both.
State data is from here:
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/joe-biden-d...8-16-2020/
August 10.
three months..... |...55%|....72%|.......87%|........98%|
lead likelihood
0 50 10 87
1 55 11 88
2 59 12 89
3 64 13 90
4 69 14 91
5 72 15 92
6 76 16 93
7 80 17 94
8 83 18 95
9 85 19 96
The interpolation is nearly linear, and that may be inadequate for small leads. This model suggests that even a 3-point edge for Biden at this point (late August) is far from trivial.
Here is a map of the probabilities of a Biden win based upon the edge that one or the other has. Numbers are not electoral votes this time: Data is from August 10, so convention bumps do not appear:
![[Image: genusmap.php?year=1964&ev_c=1&pv_p=1&ev_...&NE3=0;1;6]](https://uselectionatlas.org/TOOLS/genusmap.php?year=1964&ev_c=1&pv_p=1&ev_p=1&type=calc&AL=2;6;8&AK=2;36;4&AZ=1;64;4&AR=2;6;8&CA=1;99;8&CO=1;88;6&CT=1;99;8&DE=1;99;8&DC=1;99;8&FL=1;69;4&GA=1;69;4&HI=1;99;8&ID=2;0;8&IL=1;99;8&IN=2;17;6&IA=1;64;4&KS=2;20;5&KY=2;17;6&LA=2;13;6&MD=1;99;8&MA=1;99;8&MI=1;89;6&MN=1;88;6&MS=2;15;6&MO=2;17;6&MT=2;17;6&NV=1;83;6&NH=1;87;6&NJ=1;99;8&NM=1;94;8&NY=1;99;8&NC=1;69;4&ND=2;0;8&OH=4;50;1&OK=2;8;9&OR=1;94;8&PA=1;72;5&RI=1;99;8&SC=2;31;4&SD=2;7;8&TN=2;6;8&TX=2;41;2&UT=2;13;6&VT=1;99;8&VA=1;90;8&WA=1;99;8&WV=2;0;8&WI=1;80;6&WY=2;0;8&ME=1;88;6&ME1=0;1;5&ME2=0;1;5&NE=2;11;6&NE1=0;1;5&NE2=0;1;5&NE3=0;1;6)
Biden likelihood 0 to 9 (saturation 8 )
Biden likelihood 10 to 19 (saturation 6)
Biden likelihood 20 to 29 (saturation 4)
Biden likelihood 30 to 39 (saturation 4)
Biden likelihood 41 to 49 (saturation 2)
white -- tie, exactly even
Biden likelihood 51 to 59 (saturation 2)
Biden likelihood 60 to 69 (saturation 4)
Biden likelihood 70 to 79 (saturation 5)
Biden likelihood 80 to 89 (saturation 6)
Biden likelihood 90 or higher (saturation 8 )
It is already two weeks obsolete, because the numbers are based on Senators winning elections based upon their leads at three months (I have done linear interpolation). This is also the last polling data that both
(1) comes from all 50 states,
(2) from the same time, and
(3) from the same source.
Senatorial and gubernatorial elections for statewide contests for electoral votes by Presidential campaigns. This may be far from a perfect model. Biden has an 80% chance of winning Wisconsin, which this map shows as the most likely tipping-point state. He also has a 69% chance of winning North Carolina and Florida (each), a 64% chance of winning Arizona, a 50% chance of winning Ohio, and a 41% chance of winning Texas . These six states are dissimilar enough that they could as well be considered independent events. Trump has about seven chances in 1000 to win all six states in question. (I am not considering Iowa, as Biden is not winning Iowa while losing Wisconsin).
At this point, Biden is trying to consolidate the states that he needs or might need. Trump is trying to keep his hope alive in states in which he has as little as a 20% chance of winning.
Another way of putting it: Trump has about as much chance of winning Wisconsin as Biden does of winning Kansas.
State data is from here:
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/joe-biden-d...8-16-2020/
August 10.
three months..... |...55%|....72%|.......87%|........98%|
lead likelihood
0 50 10 87
1 55 11 88
2 59 12 89
3 64 13 90
4 69 14 91
5 72 15 92
6 76 16 93
7 80 17 94
8 83 18 95
9 85 19 96
The interpolation is nearly linear, and that may be inadequate for small leads. This model suggests that even a 3-point edge for Biden at this point (late August) is far from trivial.
Here is a map of the probabilities of a Biden win based upon the edge that one or the other has. Numbers are not electoral votes this time: Data is from August 10, so convention bumps do not appear:
Biden likelihood 0 to 9 (saturation 8 )
Biden likelihood 10 to 19 (saturation 6)
Biden likelihood 20 to 29 (saturation 4)
Biden likelihood 30 to 39 (saturation 4)
Biden likelihood 41 to 49 (saturation 2)
white -- tie, exactly even
Biden likelihood 51 to 59 (saturation 2)
Biden likelihood 60 to 69 (saturation 4)
Biden likelihood 70 to 79 (saturation 5)
Biden likelihood 80 to 89 (saturation 6)
Biden likelihood 90 or higher (saturation 8 )
It is already two weeks obsolete, because the numbers are based on Senators winning elections based upon their leads at three months (I have done linear interpolation). This is also the last polling data that both
(1) comes from all 50 states,
(2) from the same time, and
(3) from the same source.
Senatorial and gubernatorial elections for statewide contests for electoral votes by Presidential campaigns. This may be far from a perfect model. Biden has an 80% chance of winning Wisconsin, which this map shows as the most likely tipping-point state. He also has a 69% chance of winning North Carolina and Florida (each), a 64% chance of winning Arizona, a 50% chance of winning Ohio, and a 41% chance of winning Texas . These six states are dissimilar enough that they could as well be considered independent events. Trump has about seven chances in 1000 to win all six states in question. (I am not considering Iowa, as Biden is not winning Iowa while losing Wisconsin).
At this point, Biden is trying to consolidate the states that he needs or might need. Trump is trying to keep his hope alive in states in which he has as little as a 20% chance of winning.
Another way of putting it: Trump has about as much chance of winning Wisconsin as Biden does of winning Kansas.
The ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced Nazi or the dedicated Communist but instead the people for whom the distinction between fact and fiction, true and false, no longer exists -- Hannah Arendt.